• Interview With Chinese Maoists

  • jamahiriya
  • 2022
  • An interview with a Maoist organization in China discussing the socialist era, the capitalist restoration, Chinese imperialism, the internal conditions and situation, and the Maoist and workers' movements.

Q: Firstly, I would like to address some history. In the West, there has been a massive smear campaign against Chairman Mao Zedong and against China's socialist project, which lasted from 1949 until 1978. Can you, in brief outline some of the achievements of the Maoist era?

A: I would like to summarize the achievements of Mao Zedong's era from five aspects: (1) achievements in industry; (2) achievements in agriculture; (3) achievements in science and technology; (4) achievements in theory; and (5) achievements in literature and art.

When New China was founded, it was devastated. From the late Qing Dynasty, the imperialists invaded China in military, political and economic aspects. China's economy has long been semi-colonial and semi-feudal. For example, in 1936, the imperialist industrial capital in China already accounted for 71.6 percent of the total industrial capital in China. They monopolized and controlled 96.8 percent of China's pig iron production, 65.7 percent of coal production, 77.1 percent of electricity production and 64 percent of cotton production. Eighty percent of China's exports in foreign trade are controlled by the imperialists.

This semi-colonial and semi-feudal economy existed in China for many years and even deteriorated continuously. After the War of Resistance against Japanese aggression, national capital shrank sharply, while bureaucratic capital took the dominant position in industry. The expansion of bureaucratic capital makes the social economy chaotic and the people's life difficult. The Nationalist government of Chiang Kai-shek ran huge deficits in successive years, about 27 trillion yuan in 1947 and 900 trillion yuan in 1948. The Nationalist government of Chiang Kai-shek was heavily indebted, with domestic debts of over US $175 million and foreign debts of over US $866 million in 1948 alone.

In short, the China that chairman Mao Zedong and the CPC inherited was a tattered, semi-colonial, semi-feudal ruin. This is the first point that must be realized before one can understand the achievements of the new China. Here is the formal introduction:

Achievements in industry: During the Mao Zedong's era, an independent and complete industrial system with an absolutely dominant state-owned economy was established.

During the 29 years from 1949 to 1978, New China invested 343.44 billion yuan in industrial infrastructure. A total of 229.289 billion yuan was added to industrial fixed assets. The utilization rate of fixed assets delivery was 66.8 percent. This figure is 4.1 percentage points higher than the 62.7 percent recorded during the eighth Five-Year Plan period after the reform and opening up. The per capita fixed assets of state-owned industrial enterprises increased from 2,918 yuan in 1952 to 10,501 yuan in 1978. That's a 2.6-fold increase. Capital per capita increased from 2,878 yuan to 10,763 yuan. That's a 2.74-fold increase.

During the 29 years from 1949 to 1978, the industrial economy of New China developed rapidly, with the industrial added value increasing by 42.5 times, with an annual growth of 13.9%. This figure is 2.35 percentage points higher than the annual increase of 11.55 percent in the 30 years since the reform and opening up (1979-2008). The total industrial output value increased by 39.6 times or 13.6 percent annually, of which light industry increased by 19.8 times or 11.05 percent annually, and heavy industry by 90.8 times or 16.8 percent annually. The output value of state-owned industrial enterprises increased by 88.4 times, with an annual increase of 16.7 percent. Collective industrial output increased by 1,618 times, an annual increase of 29 percent. The output of all industrial goods increased exponentially, and in most cases at a higher annual rate than after Deng Xiaoping's reform and opening up.

In the era of Mao Zedong, the level of industrial technology in new China has been greatly improved, and a large number of new industrial sectors and modern industries have been established. Including modern metallurgical equipment manufacturing, mining equipment manufacturing industry, large power equipment manufacturing, aircraft and automobile manufacturing, large-scale and precision machine tool manufacturing industry, senior alloy and important non-ferrous metal smelting industry, petroleum chemical industry, organic synthetic material manufacturing, aerospace industry, large scale integrated circuit and computer industry, all kinds of communication, transmission equipment and precision instruments and meters manufacturing and other modern industries.

By 1978, China had established 11 industrial sectors, including metallurgy, electricity, coal, petroleum, chemical industry, machinery, building materials, forest industry, textile, light industry and national defense. At that time, New China had built a modern industrial system with a complete range of types, reasonable layout, solid foundation and relatively advanced technology, and its production capacity had been greatly enhanced.

We can take a specific example to further talk about the industrial achievements of Mao Zedong's era -the third-line project. Construction of the third line project began in 1964, and by the end of the 1970s, the industrial fixed assets in the relevant areas increased from 29.2 billion yuan in 1964 to 154.3 billion yuan; The number of workers increased to 11.295 million from 3.2565 million; Coal production has increased from 83.67 million tons in 1964 to 212 million tons, and annual power generation has increased from 14.9 billion KWH in 1964 to 63.5 billion KWH. At the same time, the third-line project also built a large number of military industries.

To sum up, it can be seen that in the first 30 years of the People's Republic of China (commonly known as the "Mao Zedong's era"), the large-scale planned and purposeful industrial construction of the People's Republic of China completely changed the situation of weak industrial foundation, backward technology, incomplete sectors and deformed distribution of the old China.

We would like to add one more point here. Many of you may have heard the claim: The industrial base of new China was a handout from the Soviet Union, not a real achievement of the Mao Zedong's era.

In order for people to better understand the achievements of new China under Mao Zedong, we think it is necessary to explain the above wrong view:

First of all, the Soviet Union's industrial aid to New China was not free, but was exchanged for 25% of New China's GNP at that time. On February 29, 1964, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China wrote in reply to the letter of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union dated November 29, 1963: "so far from being gratis, Soviet aid to China was rendered mainly in the form of trade and that it was certainly not a one-way affair. China has paid and is paying the Soviet Union in goods, gold or convertible foreign exchange for all Soviet-supplied complete sets of equipment and other goods, including those made available on credit plus interest. It is necessary to add that the prices of many of the goods we imported from the Soviet Union were much higher than those on the world market... Up to the end of 1962 China had furnished the Soviet Union with 2,100 million new roubles' worth of grain, edible oils and other foodstuffs... Over the same period, China furnished the Soviet Union with more than 1,400 million new roubles' worth of mineral products and metals... Many of these mineral products are raw materials which are indispensable for the development of the most advanced branches of science and for the manufacture of rockets and nuclear weapons."

Secondly, the Soviet Union's industrial assistance to New China was not comprehensive, but heavily biased towards the military industry. Khrushchev(Никита Сергеевич Хрущёв) mainly wanted new China to become a barrier to the south of the Soviet Union, and did not want New China to build a comprehensive industrial system. The vast majority of the "156 projects" aided by the Soviet Union to China were military industries. There were only 24 machinery factories in 156 projects, including cars and tractors, which were not structured enough for new China to produce complete sets of equipment itself.

Therefore, it is absolutely impossible to believe that the construction of the industrial system in Mao Zedong's era was due to Soviet aid.

Achievements in agriculture: In the era of Mao Zedong, New China gradually established and consolidated people's communes, adhered to the road of agricultural collectivization, built a large number of water conservancy projects, vigorously promoted the construction of agricultural mechanization and promoted the revolution of farming technology (including the fertilizer revolution and the seed revolution).

Agricultural collectivization: Starting with the socialist transformation, the CPC began to collectivize agriculture in the countryside, and throughout this process Chairman Mao Zedong and his comrades fought against another revisionist line that advocated "the fixing of farm output quotas for individual households with each on its own". This is the fundamental reason why new China has continuously achieved excellent results in agriculture after the beginning of socialist transformation. In the process of agricultural collectivization, many exemplary cases emerged, the most famous being the case of Dazhai Village. Later, in the socialist revolution and socialist construction (not limited to agriculture), New China called the communist spirit of "The politics in the first place, Love the collective self-reliance and the arduous struggle" as "Dazhai Spirit".

Build water conservancy projects: Since the large-scale construction of irrigation and water conservancy in 1958, CPC has made use of idle farming to organize communes' members to undertake voluntary irrigation and water conservancy projects every year, reclaiming large areas of land and terraced fields. In the vast field, the formation of artificial river network, field road network, ditch network, protective forest network, greatly enhanced the agricultural irrigation and drainage ability and disaster prevention and resistance ability, to ensure the stable and high yield of agriculture.

Mechanization of agriculture: In 1976, compared with 1965, the output of tractors and walking tractors increased by 5.7 times and 65 times, and the electricity consumption for agriculture increased by 4.7 times. The number of agricultural irrigation and drainage power machinery has increased 4.9 times. The amount of fertilizer used per mu of land increased 2.1 times. Compared with 1965, the irrigated area of farmland increased by 41%. The area of mechanical and electrical drainage and irrigation and the total installed capacity of mechanical and electrical hydropower stations increased by 355.58% and 643%, respectively. The number of mechanical Wells in 1975 increased by 935.89% compared with 1965. New China's ability to resist natural disasters has been greatly improved.

Output of agricultural products: New China was self-sufficient in grain (in 1978, its grain output reached 303.77 million tons, or 637 jin of grain per capita). Especially during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), the growth rate of grain output in New China was 47.18 percent, with an average annual growth rate of 3.58 percent, which was both fast and steady.

Achievements in science and technology: The founding of New China and the establishment of the socialist system created conditions for the vigorous development of science and technology in China. Taking advantage of the advantages of public ownership, New China has organized joint efforts to tackle key problems and made many brilliant achievements in the fields of national defense and cutting-edge scientific research. The first jet fighter was trial-produced as early as 1956, and the home-made supersonic fighter was trial-produced in 1959. By 1978, New China had a production system capable of mass producing more than 20 types of various aircraft. At the National Day parade in 1959, the People's Republic of China displayed advanced weapons and equipment, including home-made main battle tanks, various advanced artillery pieces, automatic machine guns, armored vehicles, torpedo ships and jet fighters.

In the era of Mao Zedong, scientific and technological innovation was emphasized "independently". Such as high precision electrical coordinate boring machine, multi-purpose helicopter Harbin Z-5, integrated circuit universal digital electronic computer, 12,000 tons of pressure free forging hydraulic press, atomic bomb, missile nuclear weapon, hydrogen bomb, nuclear submarine and so on. Moreover, many technologies have reached the advanced level of the world, in addition to the well-known nuclear weapons, others such as electronic tube factory, artificial parthenogenesis technology, ruby laser, synthetic bovine insulin, indica hybrid rice and so on.

Achievements in theory: Chairman Mao Zedong made a profound study of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism, combined it with the specific national conditions of China's semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, and won the great victory of the new democratic revolution. In the following socialist revolution, chairman Mao Zedong further deeply studied and continued to develop Marxism-Leninism, and put forward the great theory of "Continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat". The proposal and practice of this theory thoroughly established Mao Zedong's unshakeable position in the whole Marxist school. By then, Marxism-Leninism had reached the stage of Mao Tsetung Thought (i.e., Maoism).

The theoretical achievements of New China in Mao Zedong's era can be roughly divided into four points:

(1) Chairman Mao Zedong put forward the scientific conclusion that after the socialist transformation of ownership of means of production was basically completed, there still existed classes, class contradictions and class struggles. Chairman Mao Zedong pointed out that the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between the socialist road and the capitalist road, still existed for a long time, and that the principal contradiction in a socialist country is class contradiction. He also stressed that the serious task of socialist revolution was to fight against the capitalist roaders within the Party.

(2) Chairman Mao Zedong put forward the basic contradiction theory of socialist society — the contradiction between the relations of production and the productive forces, the contradiction between the superstructure and the economic foundation. Socialist relations of production are established on the basis of reforming the old economic structure. Therefore, it can not completely get rid of the tradition and traces of capitalism, but also implement commodity system, currency exchange and distribution according to work. Their existence is compatible with the development of productive forces on one side and contradictory on the other. This situation determines that the socialist economic system is both stable and unstable, and there is also the danger of the restoration of capitalism. Therefore, the socialist state is required to constantly adjust the links in the relations of production that are not suitable for the development of productive forces, continue the revolution in the field of relations of production, gradually limit the bourgeois rights, and gradually eliminate the "three major distinctions" (between town and country, industry and agriculture physical and mental labour).

(3) Chairman Mao Zedong revealed the nature and changing rules of the contradictions between us and the enemy and among the people. Chairman Mao Zedong also taught us how to correctly distinguish and deal with the contradictions between the enemy and myself and the contradictions among the people in socialist society.

(4) Chairman Mao Zedong analyzed the characteristics of class relations and class struggle under the dictatorship of the proletariat, and proposed to rely directly on the masses to carry out class struggle, and to carry out "speak out freely, air their views fully, big debates, big-character poster". This is a new form of continuation of revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in the era of Mao Zedong and the spread of Mao Tsetung Thought (Maoism) brought great encouragement and correct theoretical guidance to the revolutionary people in other parts of the world. Inspired and guided by the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the people of all countries produced many spontaneous mass movements, especially in Japan, Western Europe, North America and other capitalist "heart" areas, the outbreak of an unprecedented huge revolutionary mass movement. At that time, more and more people were waking up.

The theory and practice of "Continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat" not only influenced the mass movements in other countries, but also cultivated important talents for the Communist Parties in other countries. For example, Comrade Jose Maria Sison came to China in the early days of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution to learn advanced revolutionary theory. Upon his return, he soon began preparing to reorganize the Communist Party of the Philippines on Marxist-Leninist-Mao Tsetung Thought principles. On December 26, 1968, Comrade Jose Maria Sison reorganized the Communist Party of the Philippines. This was the first rectification of the Communist Party of the Philippines. The reorganization of the Communist Party of the Philippines laid the foundation for the development of the Philippine revolutionary cause. In 1970, under the pseudonym "Amado Guerrero" — meaning "Dear warrior" — Comrade Jose Maria Sison published a guiding work on the Philippine revolution, Philippine Society and Revolution. This work is still an important guide to the Philippine revolution. The content of this work is obviously influenced by Mao Zedong's revolutionary theory. The Communist Party of the Philippines, a Maoist communist party, still exists today and continues to grow under the guidance of Maoist theory.

Achievements in literature and art: As early as in May 1942, chairman chairman Mao Zedong pointed out the direction of literature and art work in Talks At The Yenan Forumon Literature And Art, pointing out the class nature of literature and art, and required that literary and art creation must serve workers, peasants and soldiers. Chairman Mao Zedong's "Talks At The Yenan Forumon Literature And Art" has always been an important programmatic document in New China's literature and art creation. After the founding of New China, under the wise leadership of chairman Mao Zedong, New China reached one peak after another in literature and art.

The field of literature and art in New China has abandoned the decadent ideology of exploiting class in old China. Literary and artistic workers in New China served the proletarian politics and created a large number of literary and artistic works that were deeply loved by the people. For example, a series of revolutionary model operas such as For example, a series of revolutionary model operas such as the Tale of the Red Light and the Harbor. These model operas are not only educational, but also of high artistic level. In particular, the large-scale epic music and dance operas The East is Red and the suite of songs on the long march, which were composed during the Mao Zedong's era, are still the artistic peaks that cannot be surpassed.

In literary creation, there are "Sanli Bay", "Three Days on the Yangtze River", "Red Flag Profile", "Camellia Ode" and so on. In terms of film creation, there are a large number of outstanding works such as "Shanggang Hill", "Heroic Sons And Daughters", "Rupture", "Spring Seedling", "Never Forget", "Wheels Rolling", "The Jubilant Xiao Liang River", "Plain guerrillas" and so on. There are countless songs, such as "We are walking on the main road", "Hymn of heroes", "Socialism is Good", "The Red Sun Shines on the border", "Ode to the Motherland", "The Sun Shines In All Directions", and "Counter the Trend of Rightist Overturning".

Because these literary and artistic works serve the politics of the proletariat, serve the workers, peasants and soldiers, and get close to the people's lives, they are loved by the people. All these can fully explain the brilliant achievements of Mao Zedong's era in the field of literature and art.

Conclusion: The New China of Mao Zedong's era saw cultural prosperity and steady economic growth. Especially during the Three Great Remolding periods and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the New China's economy grew rapidly, a large number of new factories were built and put into operation, the number of working class people increased substantially, and prices were stable. The per capita income of rural residents was 133.6 yuan and that of urban residents was 343.4 yuan, an increase of 2.05 times and 2.92 times respectively over 1949. Investment and currency circulation growth is more appropriate. New China has maintained a balanced fiscal balance, a balanced credit balance, and rapid growth and balanced development of imports and exports. So the living standard of the people at that time kept improving. Moreover, the new China of Mao Zedong's era was the center of the world revolution and exerted an important influence on the people of the world.

Take the years 1966 to 1978. The number of industrial enterprises (above community and team enterprises, excluding individual and household industries) increased by more than 190,000, and the number of workers increased by 45.34 million. From 1966 to 1978, New China had a foreign trade surplus of $980 million and a fiscal surplus of 2.23 billion yuan (3.163 billion yuan according to the original statistics). Consumer prices rose by just 0.3% a year and retail prices by just 0.1% a year. The average wage of workers increased by 0.35 percent per year, and household consumption increased by 2.25 percent per year. It's not growing much, but it's not falling.

Most notably, The Report to the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (Report dated April 1, 1969, adopted on April 14) clearly states that: "By the end of 1968, we had paid off all our public debt. Our country has become a socialist country with neither internal debt nor external debt." This ideal state continued until the beginning of the reform and opening up.

The Mao Zedong's era of new China proves that: the socialist countries through vigorously develop the public sector of the economy, using machines instead of manual labor, collective joint labor instead of individual private labor, not only can carry out socialization production, development of social productivity greatly, avoid overproduction of cyclical economic crisis, but also can complete the task of modernization.

Q: Could you describe China's present-day position in and relationship with the worldwide system of imperialism?

A: We should now use the phrase "a powerful and emerging imperialist country" to describe China's status and relations with world imperialism.

After the restoration of capitalism led by Deng Xiaoping, China's capitalism quickly developed into bureaucratic state monopoly capitalism, which doomed China to imperialist expansion sooner or later.

Chinese capitalism is not quite like that of other countries. Capitalism in China was restored in a pure socialist country, which doomed China to be dominated by the bureaucratic bourgeoisie from then on. This bureaucratic bourgeoisie grew larger and controlled more aspects of Chinese society.

We say that Chinese social imperialism is a "a powerful and emerging imperialist country" compared with American imperialism and other old imperialists, not only because China entered the world imperialist system many years later than American imperialism, but also because Chinese imperialism is indeed more viable than American imperialism. One of the main features of late capitalism is that capital expands infinitely and the rate of profit tends to zero. This view of Marx has been proved by history. The modern average rate of profit in the developed world is around ten percent. The United States is about 8 percent, India is about 30 percent, and China is about 18 percent. In the middle of the last century, it was nearly 40 percent in the United States, higher than in modern India. The most direct manifestation of lower profit margins is the bankruptcy of small and medium-sized enterprises, and monopoly capital goes to more extreme forms. Chinese social imperialism now has higher profit margins than American imperialism, so it is "relatively young" compared to American imperialism, or in the whole world imperialist system.

The only thing that can justify Chinese social imperialism is that China is not directly invading other countries with arms. So some people think that China does not seem to be an imperialist country. However, the criterion for judging whether a country is an imperialist country does not include armed invasion of other countries. Especially in modern society, imperialist countries (such as China) rarely use force to open the door of backward countries. Comprador capital, rent-seeking capital and national capital in backward areas all need foreign capital to provide them with advanced production technology, so as to obtain higher profits and complete the accumulation of domestic industrial upgrading. This allowed imperialist capital to expand abroad almost unimpeded. The Belt and Road Initiative proposed by Chinese social imperialism is the best example. In other words, the people of the countries oppressed by imperialism may resist violently, but most of the time this resistance does not require the imperialists to directly send armed forces to suppress it, but the local puppet government does it for them. For example, in December 2017, Sri Lanka was forced to lease the strategically valuable Hambantota port to Chinese social imperialists for 99 years due to its inability to repay its debts to Chinese social imperialists, and to hand over the land near the port to Chinese social imperialists for the development and construction of an industrial park. The people of Sri Lanka strongly protested against such traitorous actions by the authorities and the oppression of Chinese social imperialism. But the resistance was violently suppressed by the Sri Lankan authorities.

And China does engage in direct armed aggression against other countries. The Philippines is a prime example. At present, the Philippines is the only country in the world that has been explicitly invaded by Chinese social-imperialist forces. It is true that there is an armed invasion of the Philippines by Chinese social imperialism, but most people do not admit it or understand it. In Philippine waters, Chinese social imperialists have built many military bases on the grounds of protecting China's security. The establishment of many military bases in the territorial waters of other countries is certainly an armed invasion. These military bases have strengthened the armed presence of Chinese social-imperialists in the Philippines and made it easier for them to oppress and exploit the Filipino people. Chinese social imperialism uses its excess capital to make the Philippines dependent on Chinese loans and subsidies, to make the Philippines implement neoliberal economic policies, to exploit the Philippine labor force, to plunder natural resources, and to control key sectors of the Philippine economy (such as the electricity sector). By the means described above, Chinese social imperialism seeks to perpetuate the Philippines' long history of exporting cheap and low value-added raw materials and semi-processed products and importing capital goods and consumer goods. In order to oppose the military and economic aggression of Chinese social imperialism against the Philippines, the Filipino people often spontaneously surrounded the Chinese Embassy in the Philippines on certain days in a mass movement to protest against China's imperialist aggression against the Philippines.

Since China joined the World Trade Organization at the end of 2001, it has gradually taken its own place in the world imperialist system. China has gradually provided the world imperialist system with a huge labor supply, a huge space for global capital investment and a huge market for absorbing consumption. After the world economic crisis in 2008, China began to increase the intensity of capital export. China's accelerated export of capital and goods to seize the world market means a direct challenge to the economic hegemony of the United States. Chinese social imperialists often choose to join forces with Russian imperialists to compete for hegemony with American imperialists, but there are still obvious cracks between China and Russia.

From this year's Russia-Ukraine war, we can also see the attitude of Chinese social imperialism in the world imperialist system, that is, Chinese social imperialism and Russian imperialism unite against US imperialism, but also exist in contradiction with Russian imperialism. The cooperation between Chinese social imperialism and Russian imperialism has a long history. In addition to collective cooperation such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the BRICS countries and the China-Russia-Mongolia Economic Corridor, there are countless individual cooperation projects between China and Russia. During the Russo-Ukrainian war, Chinese social imperialism and Russian imperialism were superficially more closely aligned, but the Chinese social imperialist position became more nuanced. Since March this year, China has been gradually providing free (non-military) aid to Ukraine. From the beginning of the war between Ukraine and Russia until now, the Chinese social imperialists have not provided any military assistance to the Russian imperialists, which makes the Russian imperialists have to buy military equipment from Iran and North Korea. Moreover, the Chinese social imperialists have not helped the Russian imperialists to oppose the Western technical sanctions. Although China and Russia occasionally held joint military exercises during the Ukraina-Russia war (for example, on September 19, 2022, China and Russia issued a statement that China and Russia would conduct more joint military exercises and strengthen defense cooperation), military exercises in the east will not help the war in the west. These exercises are merely cosmetic, with no real improvement on Russia's battlefield in Ukraine.

It seems to be a rule that China tends to support Russia on the imaginary side and less on the real side when dealing with the war with Ukraine. In China, the Chinese revisionist state only carry out domestic propaganda in favor of Russia, but do not provide substantial material assistance. In the international arena, Chinese social imperialism supports Russian imperialism only in a relatively hollow way. For example, on March 23, 2022, the UN Security Council discussed whether to adopt a resolution on humanitarian issues in Ukraine proposed by Russia. China voted in favor of Russia at the meeting; On 12 May 2022, the UN Human Rights Council session intends to adopt a draft resolution to investigate crimes committed by Russian forces in the vicinity of Kiev, Chernigov, Kharkiv and Sumeh. China voted against it in support of Russia; On September 15, 2022, the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) of the United Nations met and adopted a resolution to end Russia's occupation of Ukraine's Zaporoge nuclear power plant. China voted against it in support of Russia. However, in the most important meetings, the Chinese social imperialists expressed themselves with vague "abstention", not directly supporting the Russian imperialists. On February 25, 2022, the UN Security Council condemned Russia's aggression. At the most important meeting, the Chinese social imperialists abstained. Moreover, the Chinese social imperialists did not provide any military assistance to the Russian army in the Ukrainian and Russian battlefields from beginning to end. It can be seen that Chinese social imperialism and Russian imperialism are not monolithic, and there are various contradictions between them.

Q: The "Communist" Party of China recently celebrated its 100th anniversary. What is your view on this party as it stands today, and can you outline how it has changed from before Dengist reforms to after?

A: This party is now only a nominal Communist Party, and we generally call it the "Chinese revisionist party". Before the reform by Deng Xiaoping and others, China was a very pure socialist country. After the reform by Deng Xiaoping and others (essentially the capitalist restoration), China gradually embarked on the capitalist road, which is mainly reflected in the following four aspects: (1) it denied the Cultural Revolution and amended the Constitution; (2) Dissolve the people's communes and develop the small-scale peasant economy; (3) Stealing state-owned property wantonly and gradually establishing a market economy; (4) Give up the proletarian world revolution and spread the decadent ideology of the exploiting class.

Denying the Cultural Revolution and amending the Constitution: In June 1981, the sixth plenary session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese revisionist party adopted the most reactionary resolution in Chinese history, the Resolution on Several Historical Issues of the Party since the founding of the People's Republic of China. This resolution completely negates the Cultural Revolution and the great leader Chairman Mao's theory of "continuous revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat", providing further "theoretical preparation" for the restoration of capitalism.

The capitalist roaders made many amendments in the 1982 Constitution. For example, "proletarian dictatorship", the most important word in a socialist country, was deleted from the Constitution so that the capitalist roaders could gradually lower the political status of the proletariat; "Loud shouting, open debate, big character newspaper" and "freedom of strike" have been deleted from the Constitution, so as to gradually restrict the people's various means of supervision and resistance.

Dissolving the people's communes and developing the small-scale peasant economy: Peasants have duality. On the one hand, they are labourers and have been exploited and oppressed for a long time; On the other hand, farmers are small private owners with a spontaneous tendency to produce capitalism.

The starting point for capitalist groups to disintegrate socialism is in the countryside. The restoration of capitalism in rural areas laid the foundation for the establishment of the entire capitalist market economy.

In 1978, the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee opened up the free land and free market, which was the first step towards the restoration of rural capitalism. However, the cultural revolution was still in its wake, and the capitalist roaders had some misgivings,Therefore, it has to be stipulated that "no separate farmland is allowed" and "no household production is allowed".

From September 14 to 22, 1980, the CRP held a symposium for the first secretary of the party committees of provinces, cities and autonomous regions. Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun publicly expressed their support for household production quotas. This meeting allows some regions to carry out "package" [sic] "In remote mountainous areas and poor and backward areas, the masses have lost confidence in the collective, so if they want to assign quotas to each household, they should support the masses' demand. They can assign quotas to each household or to each household. "We will work at home and remain stable for a long time."

On January 1, 1982, the Central Committee of the Chinese revisionist Party publicly and comprehensively affirmed the principle of "household production quotas". Because the implementation of "household production quotas" contradicted the socialist nature of the people's commune, the people's commune was forcibly dissolved. In 1985, the unified purchase and marketing plan was cancelled. Agricultural production was completely under the guidance of the market. Agricultural production began to be market-oriented and money oriented rather than people's needs. Agricultural production was further damaged. The dissolution of the people's commune has caused a serious loss of farmers' collective property. Land is directly occupied and used by farmers. Large livestock, agricultural machinery tools and other collective means of production are returned to individual families after many prices have been reduced. According to statistics, 70% of rural water conservancy facilities and agricultural machinery have been sold at a low price, and 30% have been abandoned.

Most farmers do not get machinery and farm animals. A small number of farmers with machinery can not use machinery on their narrow land. After the dissolution of the people's commune, there was no way to establish new water conservancy facilities and maintain old ones in the countryside. Up to now, the vast majority of rural water conservancy facilities in China have been completed before the dissolution of the people's communes.

Stealing state-owned property wantonly and gradually establishing a market economy: In 1982, the Twelfth National Congress of the Chinese revisionist Party proposed "delegating power and transferring profits". This delegation of power is mainly given to two types of people: bureaucrats and small producers. It has promoted the transformation of bureaucrats into capitalists and the recovery of the private economy. The purpose of delegating power to small producers is to enable them to assist in the recovery of the private economy. Many of these small producers will gradually become big capitalists in this process. This "decentralization" does not mean "decentralization" for small producers. So until now, China's private capitalists are different from bureaucrat capitalists. Private capitalists are in China Basically, "only rich is not noble".

In the 1980s, under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, China successively established several special economic zones to explore the development model of Chinese capitalism and began to attract foreign capital to exploit its working people. In September 1986, under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, the Chinese revisionist party has made it clear that "the factory director responsibility system is fully implemented. The factory director is the representative of the enterprise legal person, who has full responsibility for the enterprise, is in the central position and plays a central role". This is the embryonic form of the bureaucrat capitalist in the future. Since then, the working class has further lost its rights.

In November 1993, the Third Plenary Session of the Fourteenth Central Committee of the Chinese Revisionist Party decided to replace the planned economy in an all-round way with the market economy. With the market economy gradually replacing the planned economy is the tragic restructuring of state-owned enterprises.

Bureaucrats reduced the value of state-owned enterprises by means of corruption, reselling raw materials, equipment and products at low prices, expelling workers, and forcing workers to be laid off in a tyrannical way. These state-owned enterprises hollowed out by bureaucrats by various means were sold to bureaucrat families at low prices. This is the simplest overview of the restructuring of China's state-owned enterprises in the 1980s and 1990s.

In the process of misappropriating and reselling state-owned assets by capitalist groups, a large number of workers were forced to lay off. Their personal life and that of their families have lost their source, and many of them have had to embark on the path of crime to make ends meet. This is the true portrayal of "the old society turned people into ghosts".

Giving up the proletarian world revolution and spreading the decadent ideology of the exploiting class: Since Khrushchev and a large number of revisionists came to power, the Soviet Union began to give up the world revolution. China has gradually become the only center of the world revolution. In the Mao Zedong era, China not only provided advanced revolutionary theories to revolutionary people all over the world, but also provided a lot of material assistance to many revolutionary Communists. For example, New China's assistance to the Philippine Revolutionary War has continued to provide assistance to the Philippine Communist Party — the New People's Army since its founding in 1969. Such assistance includes training of weapons and equipment and battle instructors. In addition to the Communist Party of the Philippines, such as the revolutionaries in India and the parties in Southeast Asia, all received free assistance from New China.

However, after the restoration of capitalism, the Chinese revisionist party stopped all kinds of assistance to the world revolution after 1976, and drew a clear line with many Communist parties that really wanted revolution. This betrayal of revolutionary comrades and fraternal parties has greatly hit the revolutionary movement in many regions. Nevertheless, the revolutionary kindling left by the Mao Zedong era around the world is still burning and growing.

In order to facilitate the restoration of capitalism, the moderate revision party, through the reactionary regime, overthrew all the comments on literature, art and other aspects from the perspective of class relations in the Mao Zedong era, and then set about establishing a bourgeois world outlook. These means include distributing materials that negate the views of communist revolutionaries, forcing people to make films of counter revolutionary nature and open them to the public .in other words, the Chinese revisionist party abandoned all the ideological public opinion positions, namely, the ideological positions, established in the Mao Zedong era. At the same time, the CRP spread to the people the decadent ideas of the exploiting class, such as neo liberalism, the theory of humanity that transcends the class, idealistic conception of history, individualism, etc.

This makes the ideological circle of capitalist China very confused. Influenced by the Chinese revisionist party, many Chinese people do not understand the ideology and principles of communism and do not believe that communism can be realized.

To sum up, it can be seen that the capitalist groups, after usurping the supreme power, have constantly used their power to carry out reforms that have paved the way for the development of capitalism regardless of the lives of the people and the future of the country.

Q: There have been many allegations, which the Chinese government has denied, that cultural oppression and genocide is taking place against the Uyghur people in Xinjiang. What is your stance on this? Do you believe there is a genocide occuring in Xinjiang?

A: Chairman Mao said that "no investigation, no right to speak". Because of the speech suppression policy of the Chinese revisionist party, it is also difficult for us to obtain information about Xinjiang. Fortunately, we interviewed a Xinjiang Uygur brother. According to the information we have learned, we answer as follows: We believe that the Chinese revisionist imperialist regime oppresses the working people of all ethnic groups, and the Uyghurs in Xinjiang are particularly oppressed by culture, which is opposed by our organization. We believe that every nation in the world has the freedom to have its own national identity, language and culture.

We believe that there is no "genocide" in Xinjiang, but the "concentration camp" system really exists. In Xinjiang, the government will send "social idle people" and unemployed people to "study classes", nominally to teach them skills, but actually to control them and prevent the unemployed from causing social unrest. These "study classes" are virtually the same as prisons, and after "graduation", members of these "study classes" will be arranged by the government for extremely low wages and hard work. According to the Uighur brother, seven tenths of his father's generation had been in concentration camps or prisons.

In addition, in Xinjiang, the government's control over citizens is also the highest in China. There are police and military everywhere, and people check people's mobile phones at any time. All websites that people visit are closely monitored. This is another manifestation of the reactionary nature of the Central Amendment Party.

It should be noted that the religious extremist forces and terrorism that do exist in Xinjiang are entirely caused by the Chinese revisionist party's perversion. In the Mao Zedong era, Xinjiang did not have these problems at all.

Q: What is the position of your organization on the issue of Tibet?

A: We believe that it was absolutely necessary and correct for Chairman Mao to liberate the Tibetan people in 1950s and overthrow the local extremely reactionary rule of slave owners. Under the leadership of Chairman Mao, the living standard of the Tibetan people has risen significantly. Countless serfs have turned over to be masters. Many Tibetan families still have a portrait of Chairman Mao to show their respect for Chairman Mao. However, the current Chinese imperialist regime is a reactionary regime that oppresses every nation. If the Tibetan people can establish an independent "socialist Tibet", we welcome their secession from China.

When China's socialist system is re-established, we believe that when the time is ripe and the Tibetan people are willing to establish their own country, we can form an equal federation with the Tibetan People's Republic (perhaps called this name), or they can be completely independent. In addition, we strongly oppose not only the rule of the Chinese revisionist party, but also the Dalai Lama Group. The Dalai Lama Group is a running dog attached to European and American imperialism, and its hands are full of people's blood debts.

Q: Of course, it is your position that China is not a socialist country, that it is social-imperialist country that has long been going down the capitalist road, ever since Deng's reforms in the late 1970s. Could you outline how modern China is in fact capitalist and how do you respond to those who try and argue that China is socialist?

A: Those who believe that China is a socialist country, and that the "Communist Party of China" is a Communist Party / Workers' Party are revisionist parties.

They are all compatriots and brothers of the reactionary Chinese revisionist party. It is hoped that the people of foreign countries can recognize the true face of those false Communists.

Many people mistakenly believe that China is still a socialist country, and we often argue with such people.

We will generally explain that contemporary China is not a socialist country from the following five aspects: (1) socialist countries must adhere to the dictatorship of the proletariat; (2) socialist countries must gradually eliminate private ownership, constantly consolidate the status of ownership by the whole people, adhere to the planned economy and oppose the market economy; (3) Representatives of workers and peasants must constitute the majority in the congresses of socialist countries; (4) a socialist country must have adequate social and public welfare; and (5) there should be no big gap between rich and poor in socialism.

Socialist countries must adhere to the dictatorship of the proletariat: The problem of proletarian dictatorship has long been the focus of the struggle between Marxism and revisionism.

In the socialist stage, there will be a long period of coexistence of ownership by the whole people and collective ownership. In this situation, bourgeois legal power, commodity production, currency exchange, distribution according to work and various hierarchies are unavoidable. Therefore, the development of urban and rural capitalist factors and the emergence of new bourgeois elements are inevitable. If we do not use effective means to restrict it, the bourgeoisie will quickly emerge in large numbers and capitalism will develop greatly, that is, the restoration of capitalism. As Comrade Lenin pointed out in the "Left" Childishness in the Communist Movement: "It (refers to the bourgeoisie) Its strength lies not only in the strength of international capital, but also in the strength of its various international ties, habits and small production. Because it is a pity that there are still many, many small production in the world, and capitalism and the bourgeoisie are born in small production frequently, daily, hourly, spontaneously and in large quantities." In short, according to the theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, in socialist countries, the proletariat must exercise all-round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie in all areas of the superstructure. The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot stop until communism is realized. This is the most fundamental condition for the transition from socialism to communism.

However, as we mentioned earlier, "proletarian dictatorship", the most important word in socialist countries, was deleted from China's 1982 Constitution. At present, China is completely a bourgeois dictatorship, a fascist dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie, and the proletariat is only a slave.

Socialist countries must gradually eliminate private ownership, constantly consolidate the status of ownership by the whole people, adhere to the planned economy and oppose the market economy: Since the reform and opening up (the restoration of capitalism), China's privatization process has not stopped. In addition to the high tide of state-owned enterprise restructuring in the 1980s and 1990s mentioned above, there has been continuous privatization, which has never stopped. It's just not as strong as that in the period of centralized restructuring of state-owned enterprises. This kind of privatization often appears under the banner of "reform" in China. After the reform and opening up, China has continued to develop private ownership according to this trend, which is obviously contrary to the socialist line.

Although the current documents of the Chinese revisionist party often contain sentences such as "consolidating and developing the public economy", this is just a cover. This does not mean that public ownership is dominant in China. Because the Chinese revisionist party has changed the connotation of "public ownership". Today, most state-owned enterprises have carried out shareholding reform, and most state-owned assets have entered mixed ownership enterprises. These enterprises are also served as a part of the public ownership economy. The state-owned enterprises with a single ownership by the whole people are not the main assets and contents of public ownership in China today. At present, the outstanding assets of China's state-owned enterprises owned by the whole people have basically entered into joint-stock enterprises, which often end up with multiple forms of ownership. Moreover, even in state-owned enterprises, workers are only hired slaves of bureaucratic groups, and have no right to speak at all, let alone "the masters of the country".

In agriculture, Marxism-Leninism and Maoism require that the agriculture of socialist countries must be collective agriculture. Only the socialist collectivized agriculture can become the foundation of socialist construction and provide more funds for heavy industry and produce enough food to feed all the people. At the same time, due to the spontaneous capitalist tendency of farmers, agricultural production can only be brought into the whole national planned economic system through the establishment of cooperatives, gradually developing from cooperatives to people's communes, and the transition from small production to large production can be accelerated through mechanization, rural infrastructure construction and industrialization, so as to realize the socialization of production in rural areas. Only in this way can we limit the spontaneous capitalist tendency of the peasants. Therefore, whether agriculture is collectivized can be used as one of the most intuitive bases to judge whether a country is a socialist country from the countryside.

As described in detail above, the capitalist groups broke up the people's communes in China's rural areas, making China's agriculture regress to the stage of decentralized small-scale peasant economy, seriously dampening farmers' enthusiasm for production and seriously hindering the process of agricultural modernization. In order to facilitate the process of privatization in urban and rural areas, the Chinese revisionist party replaced the planned economy with the market economy, and created a new revisionist theory for this purpose — socialism and market economy can be compatible. However, according to the theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, socialism is in essence incompatible with the market economy. "Socialist market economy" is a false concept, and its essence is "market economy". The proletariat seizes all means of production step by step through the dictatorship of the proletariat, and develops the productive forces as quickly as possible while carrying out purposeful production according to actual needs. Such a planned social mass production oriented by people's needs rather than money is a planned economy. This is in line with the requirements of socialism. However, the market economy is money oriented. Everything is for more profits. If there is no profit to be made, the capitalists would rather seal or destroy the goods than sell them to the people at a low price. At the same time, we must realize that blind production under the market economy will bring great waste of resources.

It should be pointed out that the fact that socialism does not allow a market economy does not mean that it does not allow a commodity economy. Commodity exchange itself reflects the principle of capitalist exchange of equal value. It has the factor of private ownership and is a manifestation of the bourgeois legal right, and commodity production and circulation are also potential factors for the emergence of capitalism. The Maoists demanded that the commodity economy be retained in the socialist stage because in the socialist stage, relying on ownership by the whole people, they could not produce enough products to distribute to all the people according to their needs for the time being, so they had to continue to engage in commodity production, currency exchange, distribution according to work, etc. However, the Maoists are well aware of the negative effect of the commodity economy — the danger of the restoration of capitalism — so they require the socialist countries to restrict the commodity economy while using it. Contemporary China is constantly shaking the status of public ownership, continuing the process of privatization, abandoning the planned economy and adhering to the market economy, which are all diametrically opposed to what socialist countries should do.

Representatives of workers and peasants must constitute the majority in the congresses of socialist countries: Since the restoration of capitalism in China, the proportion of workers and peasants in the National Congress has become very small. Private capital is highly integrated with the bureaucratic system, or buys officials, or enters the people's congress or political consultative conference. It also has the nature of bureaucratic capital, and is a part of the ruling class in contemporary China. The ruling class in contemporary China is the bureaucratic bourgeoisie.

For example, in 2013, 64% of the delegates to the pseudo Twelfth National People's Congress were bureaucrat bourgeoisie, 23% were private capitalists, 9% were senior intellectuals and technicians, and only 4% were workers, peasants and soldiers at the grass-roots level. For another example, among the representatives of the 20th National Congress of the Chinese revisionist party in 2022, the proportion of workers and peasants' representatives is 192 workers' representatives (including 26 migrant workers), accounting for only 8.4%; There are 85 peasant Party members, accounting for only 3.7%. In addition, the vast majority of workers' representatives who appeared in the meeting were workers' nobles, who were not in the same mind as the majority of workers. Obviously, the congress convened by the Chinese revisionist party is only the congress of bureaucrat capitalists and private capitalists, not the congress of the working people. The small number of workers, peasants and soldiers represents only one manifestation of the low political status of the Chinese people. Socialist countries not only require the majority of workers, peasants and soldiers, but also emphasize the social status of the people in essence and the democratic rights in the hands of the people. For example, people in socialist countries should have freedom of speech, election, assembly, association and demonstration.

A socialist country must have adequate social and public welfare: Socialist countries are bound to lead to very adequate social and public welfare. Because the wealth accumulated in a socialist country belongs to the whole people, it will benefit rather than oppress the people, and it will be used directly or indirectly for the benefit of the working people. Capitalism is the opposite. Since the housing marketization has become the main lever to stimulate domestic demand, the pseudo reactionary governments at all levels began to sell land to generate income. Real estate developers developed real estate through loans, and buyers bought houses with loans. This dangerous way created a false economic prosperity. China's housing prices are inevitably rising rapidly, and more and more working people are unable to buy houses.

In order to reluctantly alleviate the crisis, the Chinese revisionist party began to build low-cost housing and affordable housing on a large scale more than a decade ago. However, most urban workers cannot get affordable housing or low rent housing. Medical resources and educational resources are increasingly allocated according to the logic of the market in order to maximize profits. Therefore, excellent resources are highly concentrated in big cities. The aristocratic schools and hospitals in these cities mainly serve the bourgeoisie, especially those associated with bureaucrats. These are beyond the reach of civilians. Poverty caused by illness and dropout from school due to poverty are widespread in China. High price housing, high price medical care and high price education are known as the new "three mountains" pressing on contemporary Chinese people.

There should be no big gap between rich and poor in socialism: The nature of socialism determines that the socialist country will never create a huge gap between rich and poor by relying on the public economy. Therefore, the gap between rich and poor can also be used as one of the criteria to judge whether a country is socialist. Although the hierarchical wage system still existed in Mao Zedong's era, the difference between each grade is not particularly far, and the gap is gradually narrowing. The 1979 World Bank report showed that the Gini coefficient of per capita income of urban households in China was 0.16. This shows that the distribution of the achievements of the working people is very fair. Since the restoration of capitalism, China's Gini coefficient has continued to rise. The Gini coefficient of China's residents' income in 1981 was 0.288, which was 0.388 in 1995. As the gap between rich and poor continues to increase, the Chinese revisionist party has to admit that, Cai Jiming (an intellectual in the Chinese revisionist party who was once a member of the National Political Consultative Conference) said, "... 0.4% of families hold 70% of the wealth, and the concentration of wealth is higher than that of the United States."

In December 2012, the household finance survey report of Southwest University of Finance and Economics showed that the Gini coefficient of Chinese households in 2010 was 0.61, much higher than the global average of 0.44. In July 2014, the China Social Science Survey of Peking University showed that "the Gini coefficient of China's family net wealth was 0.45 in 1995, 0.55 in 2002, and 0.73 in 2012. The report believes that at present, more than 30% of China's social wealth is occupied by the top 1% of households, while the bottom 25% of households only own 10% of social wealth." The figures officially released in recent years still tell the story. China Statistical Yearbook 2020 shows that China's Gini coefficients in 2018 and 2019 are 0.468 and 0.465. China Statistical Yearbook 2020 shows that China's Gini coefficient in 2021 is 0.468. Although the authenticity of the official figures is questionable, even if the figures are true, it can fully show that the gap between rich and poor in China is very wide.

At present, the representatives of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie have the most wealth in China. After the reform and opening up, Deng and his associates' families were the first to get rich. They are good at using their power to "steal" state-owned property. For example, those bureaucrat bourgeoisie rely on price double regulation, use their power to get low price goods, and then sell them at high prices. This practice of using state-owned property to make huge profits has almost no cost and can be called "zero cost and ten thousand profits". However, these bureaucrat capitalists who embezzle state-owned property did not receive any punishment, but were more powerful. In Chinese ancient words, they can be described as "those who steal hook are killed and those who steal state are marquises".

Q: On a similar topic, what are labour conditions like in contemporary China?

A: The working conditions of contemporary Chinese workers are very poor. According to our research, workers are generally faced with such dilemmas as long working hours and strong work intensity, being often in arrears with wages and being underpaid, insufficient social welfare, insufficient security of working environment, and illegal layoffs.

Super long working hours and strong working intensity: The standard working hours stipulated by Chinese laws are 8 hours per day, an average of no more than 44 hours per week, and at least one day off per week. However, according to the investigation of the facts, the working hours of most wage posts far exceed 44 hours. For example, according to the statistics of the National Bureau of Statistics in July 2018, the average weekly working hours of Chinese enterprise employees in that month were 46 hours (including those bureaucratic wastes that do nothing).

Wages are often in arrears and are too low: When we communicate with workers, the most common complaint we hear is the problem of wage arrears. As far as we know, the construction workers whose wages are most seriously in arrears. Most labor disputes in China are caused by wage arrears. In the context of the COVID-19, wage arrears in China can be seen everywhere. There are too many cases of salary arrears, so we can't cite them one by one. According to our observations, we believe that wage arrears are more likely to become the fuse of the workers' movement.

As for the low salary, the reactionary government authorities have to admit it publicly. On May 28, 2020, Li Keqiang, then Premier of the State Council, publicly said at the press conference of the Third Session of the 13th National People's Congress: "The average monthly income of 600 million people with low and middle income and below is about 1000 yuan." In response to the outside world, the spokesman of the National Bureau of Statistics said, "The monthly per capita income of 600 million people is 1000 yuan, which can be verified by the national household income and expenditure and living conditions survey data." Private organizations have also investigated the problem of low wages. For example, according to the judgment of a private survey organization, if the minimum wage should be 40% of the average wage, it is suggested that the monthly minimum wage in Guangdong Province in 2019 should be 3728 yuan in Guangzhou, 2331 yuan in Dongguan, and 2588 yuan in Huizhou, while the minimum wage in the fourth tier cities like Heyuan is 2298 yuan — while the actual minimum wage in these four places is only 2100 yuan, 1720 yuan, 1550 yuan, and 1410 yuan respectively.

Social welfare is seriously insufficient: According to the data of the National Bureau of Statistics, in 2020, the basic endowment insurance for employees will only cover about 71% of urban employees, and only 47% of employees will have unemployment insurance. This situation is very bad. The current social security model in China is the intergenerational compensation system, that is, the social security provided to the elderly in the same period with the tax paid by the young. On April 10, 2019, the report released by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences showed that the current balance of the basic endowment insurance fund for urban enterprise employees in China would be negative for the first time by 2028, after which the endowment insurance fund reserve would decline rapidly and the accumulated balance might be exhausted around 2035.

It can be understood that China's current social security model — intergenerational compensation system — has a tendency to collapse in contemporary China, where the aging population is deepening. This is one of the important reasons why the Chinese revisionist party has continuously opened up the birth restriction. The reason for the insufficient coverage of social security is that many enterprises fail to pay social security for their employees in accordance with the law. In order to attract investment, the reactionary government acquiesced in many illegal acts related to enterprises. In March 2019, the reactionary authorities officially announced that the payment proportion of pension insurance units had decreased from 20% to 16%. This transferred part of the pressure that the capitalist should bear to the employees. In 2020, under the pretext of the impact of the epidemic, the Chinese revisionist party will allow enterprises to exempt from paying social security premiums. This policy idea is the same as reducing the social security payment rate of enterprises. When facing the choice between two, they chose to give up the interests of workers and protect the interests of capitalists.

Insufficient safety of production environment: Production safety is supposed to run through the whole production process, but the revisionist authorities do not really attach importance to this field of production safety. Although many documents emphasize production safety, this kind of production safety only exists in written documents. Here are some examples that have been obvious this year. On February 18, 2022, an explosion accident occurred in Huaye Foundry in Huidong County, Huizhou City, Guangdong Province, causing 3 deaths, 2 serious injuries and 13 minor injuries. On February 25, 2022, a roof collapse accident occurred in Sanhe Shunxun Coal Mine, Longchang Town, Zhenfeng County, Qianxinan Prefecture, Guizhou Province, killing 14 people. On March 2, 2022, a coal and gas outburst accident occurred in Limin Coal Mine, Qingzhen City, Guiyang City, Guizhou Province, killing 8 people. These are just a few serious cases. Such things are happening with a very high frequency. We can probably receive information about production safety accidents every few days.

Illegal layoffs: Most kinds of illegal layoffs were tacitly approved by the reactionary authorities. It is also important to point out that the current situation of the working people is worse under the wrong and extreme epidemic prevention policy of the Chinese revisionist party. In areas where the epidemic is relatively serious, many factories have been forced to stop working, and workers have almost no source of wages, making life very difficult. As far as we know, not only the factory workers are facing such difficulties, but also many takeout workers living in urban villages are seriously affected. These takeout workers have to take a quilt with them to sleep in the street because they are afraid that the village will be closed down and they can no longer feed themselves and their families. Some workers engaged in shelter construction were found infected after the project was completed, but the Chinese revisionist party just wanted to let these workers leave quickly, and did not provide any medical support to these workers. Under the wrong and extreme epidemic prevention policy, a strange situation also emerged, that is, some factories in high-risk areas did not stop working, and workers were ordered to continue working but could not do a good job of protection, resulting in continuous infection of workers. These infected workers are trapped in the park without effective treatment. Faced with such abominable working conditions, many friends spontaneously resisted.

However, the famous people who defended the rights of the working class were almost all persecuted by Chinese revisionism. For example, Chen Guojiang, the leader of the collective rights protection event of the "Take away Knights Alliance", was suddenly arrested by the Chinese revisionist party in February 2021 and released about a year after being imprisoned, but was warned not to carry out similar activities; Famous activists Huang Xueqin and Wang Jianbing were also arrested by the Chinese revisionist party in September 2021 in a surprise attack, and they are still in prison; In 2018, the people who helped the Jiashi Workers' Movement were also arrested, and their whereabouts are still unknown.

Q: Many observers have alleged that intense sweatshops exist in China today. Is that correct?

A: Yes, that's very true. Most factories in China today can be called "sweatshops". This is undoubtedly the result of privatization. In the era of Mao Zedong, the factory strictly abided by the provisions of the "Angang Constitution" — "cadres participate in labor, workers participate in management, reform unreasonable rules and regulations, and combine workers, leading cadres and technicians". Under the guidance of Angang's Constitution, the factories in Mao Zedong's era not only had high status of workers, but also had high enthusiasm for production, which was conducive to the progress of production technology. The advanced factory system like the Ansteel Constitution only exists in the socialist society. Since the restoration of capitalism, the Constitution of Angang has also been abolished. With the abolishment of the Angang Constitution and the restoration of the "one leader system", workers lost their rights in the Mao era and were naturally slaughtered in the factory.

Q: There have been many reports in the West that Maoist sentiment against capitalist restoration is growing in China, especially amongst the youth, is this true? If so, could you please outline how Maoism is growing in China?

A: This is a real phenomenon. Maoists are on the increase (especially young people aged 15 to over 20), and anti capitalism sentiment is growing. However, on the whole, the total number of Maoists is very small.

First of all, China is the hometown of Maoism. We must realize that the objective fact that Maoism is the ideology of the third stage of the international proletariat took place when Chairman Mao himself was alive. When a theory becomes universal, that is, when a theory becomes a universal truth, we will elevate it to "doctrine". Because Chairman Mao told others many times not to label his theory similar to "Maoism", plus the modesty of Chairman Mao and the CPC at that time, China never put forward the term "Maozedongism" or "Maoism" when Chairman Mao was alive. However, this does not affect that Maoism has become the ideology of the third stage of the international proletariat since the middle and late 1960s of the Mao Zedong era.

If we want to elaborate on the growth of Maoism in China, we must mention the impact of the great proletarian cultural revolution on the Chinese people. Although the revisionists completely rejected the Cultural Revolution after taking office, they vigorously eliminated the revolutionaries throughout the country. However, the Cultural Revolution has produced a spark of thought on the vast land of China. The flame of this thought continued to spread. We and other comrades became Maoists only because of the influence of the Cultural Revolution. The idea of the Cultural Revolution has been spread among Chinese people through words, pictures, audio, video and word of mouth. In addition, China's domestic capitalist crisis is getting more and more serious, and the people's lives are getting more and more difficult, which further urges people to understand Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This is an important reason for the growth of Maoism in China.

A big reflection is that every year on the birthday of Chairman Mao (December 26) in China, people will set off an upsurge to commemorate Chairman Mao. This did not exist more than ten years ago. In recent years, there is another important reason for the growth of Maoism in China. The COVID-19 epidemic has caused a huge conflict to the world. There are countless workers in China who are more difficult to live because of the epidemic. These people began to realize the cruelty of capitalism gradually, and some began to be willing to contact the theory of MLM. In addition, the great revolutionary cause being carried out by Maoist revolutionary parties, such as the Communist Party of the Philippines and the Communist Party of India (Maoist), is an external factor in promoting the development of Maoism in China, because many organizations, including our organization, will disseminate their important articles in China, so that more and more Chinese people can know that there are still Maoist parties in other parts of the world who are still fighting.

Q: International observers and academics have observed the recent birth of a movement in China called the "New Left", what is your position on this?

A: It took us a long time to find out what the "new left" is. In fact, China's "new left" refers to the trend of thought that started in the 1990s and is different from the traditional Marxism-Leninism (Marxism-Leninism-Maoism), so it is called the "new left". Their basic proposition is to emphasize the western "democratic freedom" trend of thought and its "criticism" of traditional views, although it may be valued by western observers, But its actual influence is limited.

I would like to use this question to briefly talk about the history of the Chinese Left. After the counter revolutionary coup in 1976 in the last century, those who were truly loyal to Chairman Mao's revolutionary line in the Chinese party and government were severely hit. Some were punished, some were expelled from public office, some were put in prison, and even some were killed. After that, the so-called leftist ideology spread only when some rebels who missed Chairman Mao and escaped the purge secretly publicized socialist theory through legitimate magazines and pretended to support Deng Xiaoping Theory, but in the system they publicized and criticized private ownership and western liberalism. Nevertheless, these magazines were closed in 2001 because they opposed Jiang's so-called "Three Represents". Later, they created similar websites on the Internet. It has played a lot of positive roles in the socialist trend of thought. On the other hand, in order to fight against the resurgent Maoism, the revisionists secretly publicized their castrated and distorted "Maoism" to confuse the masses. Its basic content is to portray Chairman Mao as a national hero rather than a great communist leader, to describe American imperialism and the so-called Western ideology as the number one enemy, and never mention Chairman Mao's socialist revolutionary theory. Sadly, many people cannot see the deception and are confused by this set of false socialism. And many old rebels have also faded out of the historical stage. So the burden of history falls on those of us who were born in the 21st century. We are not confused by false socialism, and we have great vitality and determination to fight.

In addition, along with the revival of Maoism, there are opportunistic thoughts of various kinds. The typical ones are the so-called "anarchism", "Trotskyism", "cultural Marxism", and "Luxemburgism". Its basic view is to oppose the vanguard leading the masses to struggle and advocate spontaneity, which is essentially a reflection of petty bourgeois liberalism, It reflects the thoughts of a large number of petty bourgeoisie and frustrated intellectuals who have been cast into the proletariat. On the other hand, there are sectarian views under the banner of "Gonzalo", which are basically characterized by seemingly radical slogans and sectarian views. We believe that this is also caused by the fanaticism of the petty bourgeoisie. On the issue of Gonzalo, I would like to say two more words. Comrade Gonzalo is a great proletarian revolutionary, which is beyond doubt. However, it is inappropriate for some people to juxtapose him with Marx, Lenin, Mao Zedong, etc. This is an unfair evaluation. Moreover, we believe that Maoism is not summarized by comrade Gonzalo, and we do not agree that "the world revolution is in the stage of strategic offensive" and "the universality of people's war" (in fact, they refer to the universality of guerrilla war). In addition, I would like to talk about the question of "social improvement" or "social revolution". Many people hold this idea that there are "leftists" at the top of the moderate amendment party, or the moderate amendment party may turn left. Facts have proved that the Chinese revisionist party brutally suppressed the student movement and the worker movement (such as the Jiashi incident). There is no bottom line at all. It is worse than the Kuomintang. They are all cold-blooded butchers. Their only destination is to hang them with ropes.

If we can only say that the work of the Maoists in China has just started, at least our organization has contacted some revolutionaries, unified their ideas, and eliminated opportunism and unreliable people, which is a small achievement. There may be other Maoist organizations, but they are estimated to be in the initial stage, far from the Party building stage. I am ashamed that our Chinese comrades' work falls far behind the expectations of the world's revolutionary people. We are in a very difficult situation, and a little carelessness will lead to the defeat of the reactionary enemy. We hope that in the future we can work hard to win the victory of the proletarian revolution at an early date.

Q: What practical work have the Maoist movement in China in general, and you organization in particular, been engaging in to win the support of the masses? It is understood that this work is extremely difficult for you to undertake, due to the repressive conditions that exist in China.

A: We have done some practical work to win the support of the masses, but members basically act in their personal identities, rarely in the name of the organization, because it is easy to expose their identities when acting in the name of the organization. For example, we will irregularly carry out social surveys on the working class, give some common sense legal guidance to workers who need to safeguard their rights, distribute leaflets and post leaflets. The content of the leaflet includes an analysis of the current society, as well as information about the contemporary international communist movement. In addition, some students with preliminary progressive ideas will be trained in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

Q: I would be interested to know, are there any older comrades in your organization who remember the socialist era? Perhaps even Red Guard veterans?

A: 90% of the members are teenagers to twenties there are no very old comrades or Red Guards veterans in our organization. (These people are generally the targets of key persecution and surveillance.) But we can know what socialism was like in Mao Zedong's era and what the difference between socialism and capitalism is through interviews with the elderly, research on materials and investigation of social status quo. I believe our answers to the previous questions have explained this.

Q: There are many worker strikes in China that go severely under-reported in the national and international press. Can you explain more about these strikes, and are these strikes led by Maoists or your organization?

A: Since the restoration of capitalism in China, the domestic workers' strikes and other collective actions have been one after another. The vast majority of these strikes and collective action incidents are spontaneous. According to incomplete statistics, there were more than 14000 such incidents in the decade from 2011 to 2021. Our organization has never led these strikes. Some of these strikes are led by Maoists, some by bourgeois liberals. As far as our organization is concerned, we planned to instigate a strike of hundreds of people in November 2021 (but failed). The reason for the failure is that we are inexperienced and the strike time of the factory is not yet ripe. Our judgment at that time was wrong. This is a process of experience accumulation for us. We can take a famous example of the workers' movement as a supplement.

During the May Day 2018, tower crane workers at construction sites all over China went on strike in turn. Since April 25, 2018, the labor movement has taken place in Chongqing, Fujian, Gansu, Guangxi, Guizhou, Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Shandong, Shanxi, Sichuan and other provinces. The main appeal of tower crane workers is that tower crane workers are high-risk workers, demanding higher wages, compensation for overtime and improvement of working conditions. Strikes are illegal in the Constitution of the moderate revisionist party, so the Chinese revisionist party has the revisionist "legal basis" for suppressing worker strikes. While being brutally suppressed, these workers were stigmatized as "colluding with foreign forces", which is a common practice. The mass struggle in China, including the workers' movement, the peasants' movement and other mass economic and political struggles, will almost always be labeled as "foreign forces" by the Central Repair Authority. The Central Repair Authority will publicize to the uninformed masses through their media that this is an illegal act instigated by "foreign forces" in order to invade China. The Chinese revisionist party deceives the Chinese people with such lies. The result of the nationwide tower crane strike was that the authorities made some compromises and the situation of tower crane workers was improved.

Q: Recently, China saw large-scale protests over predatory behaviour by several big banks, especially in Henan. Many pictures emerged of these protesters holding Mao banners. Were these protests led in part by Maoists? Did your organization play a part?

A: The event gradually expanded from April this year to reach a climax in July. This is a spontaneous mass struggle, which has not been carefully planned in advance and belongs to an emergency. Our organization will not be able to participate in it in the future, but we will pay close attention to the trend of events at the climax of the event. A small number of protesters have made a portrait of Chairman Mao, mainly because in the minds of many Chinese people, Chairman Mao is still their great savior. When they face social injustice, they will remember the social justice of Mao Zedong era for the first time. But we can't tell from the portrait of Chairman Mao that the Maoists must have participated in it.

Q: Finally, how successful would you say that your organization has been in conducting mass work?

A: As our work has just started, our mass base is still very weak, and only a few progressive students can understand and support our ideas, which is still in a very early stage. Just like in the early days of the Bolshevik movement in history, the activists were all intellectuals, and we are striving for a change to the main body of workers.